Pakistan in Media

The PML-Q and the MQM have made allegations of massive rigging by the PPP in Gilgit-Baltistan, where the ruling party swept the poll to 23 seats in the new legislative assembly for the region. The charges have been denied by the prime minister and other members of the winning party. This pattern of accusations and denials is of course not a new one. Disturbingly, the tensions between rival parties triggered clashes in Skardu as supporters pelted each other with stones. The losing parties have demanded re-elections on nine seats rather than on four, as announced by the Election Commission. The poll in Gilgit-Baltistan was monitored by neutral observers. A mission of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan has noted the process was flawed. It has for instance stated the indelible ink to mark voters could in fact quite easily be removed and that the Benazir Income Support Programme may at times have been used unfairly. But the human rights body, with considerable experience in watching polls, does not appear to have found evidence of a large-scale attempt to alter the results.

As we have said before, there is only one way around this problem. Pakistan today urgently needs an autonomous and independent Election Commission, which is free of government control. The models for this used in other countries, including India, could help us work out how to set one up. The fact is that until this is done, every election will be followed by allegations of manipulation. After all the very nature of polls means there will always be winners and losers. One part of the democratic process is transparency and fair play at the ballot. This can be guaranteed only if the process is overseen by a body free from political affiliation and respected by all the major contestants. Otherwise we will continue to see the kind of unfortunate aftermath to polls that we are witnessing today in Gilgit-Baltistan.

GILGIT: The Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) on Sunday notified the Gilgit-Baltistan poll results of 21 constituencies out of 23, confirming the lead of the Pakistan People’s Party that grabbed 11 seats.

The results of two constituencies, LA-3 and LA-17, were withheld, while death of a candidate caused postponement of elections from another seat. The ECP said the PPP won 11 seats, the PML-N got two seats, the PML-Q secured two seats, independent candidates grabbed four seats, and the JUI-F and the MQM got one seat each.

Meanwhile, no let-up was seen in the demonstrations, being organised by the PML-N and the MQM, accusing the PPP and the local administration of rigging the polls. They were demanding re-elections in certain constituencies.

The upcoming election in Gilgit-Baltistan will be the first since the territory was granted status as an autonomous region in August this year. Though the measure stopped short of making the area a province as its people demand – the Legal Framework Order built on the PPP's legacy in the area. The late Benazir Bhutto had introduced electoral reform here and her father had played a role in ushering mainstream politics into an area that had at the time been largely isolated from Pakistan. The PPP as such has enjoyed traditional strength in the area. But this could change as campaigning ends ahead of voting on November 12. The failure of the party to bring in new candidates and the loss of credibility of old guns who have frequently failed to keep promises may mean the party fails to secure a full hold over the 33-member Gilgit-Baltistan Legislative Assembly. Of these, 24 will be directly contested and nine – including six for women and three for technocrats – will be filled later. Though the significant population of Ismailis is seen by some analysts to give the PPP an advantage, many predict a hung house.

Other parties have been campaigning hectically too. The PML-N chief has made a personal trip up to the mountainous area, donned the traditional woollen cap to guard himself from the freezing winds and – rather oddly – portrayed himself as the true heir of the Bhuttos. The PML-Q, using posters on which the portrait of Pervez Musharraf appears, has also been active and – rather late in the day, the ANP has recently stepped up its efforts, apparently suddenly realizing it needed to play some part in an election being held in what it sees as its backyard. As always, some independent candidates will claim seats. The MQM, eager to expand its influence beyond urban Sindh, has fielded 19 candidates. Only the PPP, with 23, has more. Altaf Hussain has also spoken to people over giant television screens – a novelty in Gilgit which attracted much attention. So too did the MQM's message against sectarianism and extremism, in a region that has seen repeated Shia-Sunni violence. The MQM showing could prove extremely interesting, with other parties generally steering clear of the extremist question. Even before voting gets underway, there have been warnings about unfair means and neutral monitors have stressed the need for a fair, transparent process. We must hope this advice is taken and people genuinely allowed to determine who they wish to represent them.

The re-naming of Northern Areas as ‘Gilgit-Baltistan’ falls short of what the people who live in the area were wanting but removes at a stroke one of their minor irritations – that of being lumped together with NWFP by the media. The tourism industry – what is left of it – has long complained that this erroneous labelling of what is generally a quiet and peaceful region has done much to damage their business. Along with a new name comes a range of other changes, some minor but some major and all of them adding up to less than provincial status. The bottom-line demand of the people for decades has been that they be a part of Pakistan as citizens rather than — as they see it — subjects. They have been ruled from the centre since partition, and moreover ruled by political appointees whose origin is from outside the pool of ethnicities that make up Gilgit-Baltistan. There have been attempts at reform of the legal status of the area before, notably in 1973-4 and in 1994, and neither did much to satisfy local demands.
more